57 pages • 1 hour read
Sendhil Mullainathan, Eldar ShafirA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Chapter 8 highlights the critical need for redesigning social and anti-poverty programs with an understanding of the scarcity mindset. Mullainathan and Shafir use the analogy of WWII cockpit design errors to illustrate how system design, rather than individual behavior, often underlies failures.
During the war, the United States military experienced a high number of wheels-up crashes, in which pilots would retract the wheels instead of the flaps. To solve the problem, they brought in an outside expert, Alphonse Chapanis, who observed that what were previously thought to be pilot errors were actually cockpit design errors: The wheel controls and flap controls were side-by-side and looked almost identical. Mullainathan and Shafir argue that while human error is inevitable, good design can prevent accidents. They suggest that many social programs fail because they do not account for the inevitable errors people make, particularly those living in scarcity.
The chapter critiques traditional welfare programs and training for the low-income population, noting high rates of absenteeism, dropout, and non-participation, often attributed to a lack of motivation or understanding among participants. The authors argue this perspective overlooks the psychological impact of scarcity, which predicts such errors as common and perhaps unavoidable. They propose redesigning programs to be more fault-tolerant, allowing participants to recover from mistakes without severe penalties, thus acknowledging the bandwidth tax imposed by scarcity.
Mullainathan and Shafir extend their discussion to the design of incentives within these programs. The authors critique the use of long-term limits on welfare benefits as ineffective due to the nature of tunneling, which causes distant deadlines to be ignored until they become imminent crises. Instead, they suggest implementing smaller, more frequent limits that are visible within the “tunnel” of immediate focus, thereby making the incentives more effective.
The authors also point out the bandwidth cost of participating in poverty alleviation programs. They criticize these programs for failing to consider the cognitive load these programs impose on the poor, arguing that every program should be evaluated not just in terms of financial cost but also in terms of the bandwidth tax it levies on participants. Education programs, for example, while beneficial, are often designed without accounting for the substantial bandwidth they consume, potentially detracting from other critical areas of participants’ lives.
To illustrate the potential for designing programs that build bandwidth rather than deplete it, the authors describe a hypothetical highly subsidized daycare program. Such a program would do more than provide childcare; it would alleviate the constant worry and cognitive load associated with juggling childcare needs, effectively freeing up mental resources for other tasks and improving overall well-being and productivity.
Mullainathan and Shafir wrap up the chapter by emphasizing that the persistent challenge of poverty may not lie in the goals of anti-poverty programs but in their delivery mechanisms. They advocate for a reevaluation of these programs based on insights into the psychology of scarcity. By doing so, they argue, programs can be designed to be more effective, genuinely addressing the needs and limitations of those living in scarcity.
Chapter 9 explores the concept of managing scarcity effectively, using case studies to illustrate how recognizing and incorporating slack into systems can dramatically improve efficiency and outcomes. The chapter begins with the case study of St. John’s Regional Health Center, an acute care hospital that faced a common form of scarcity: more surgeries than operating rooms. The solution—leaving one room unused for emergencies—reduced scheduling conflicts and improved the hospital’s capacity to handle surgeries, highlighting the counterintuitive benefit of slack in managing scarcity.
Mullainathan and Shafir extend this principle to the broader context of poverty programs, training initiatives, and welfare systems, criticizing how these programs are often not designed to be fault-tolerant. They argue that many social programs are designed under the assumption that participants will not make mistakes—an unrealistic expectation that does not account for the inevitable errors people living in scarcity will make. A better approach, they suggest, would involve designing programs that allow for errors and provide ways for participants to recover without severe consequences.
The authors also discuss the distinction between “fat” and “slack” in organizational contexts. While both can be seen as excess, fat is identified as wasteful expenditure that does not contribute to organizational goals, whereas slack is a necessary buffer that allows systems to adapt and respond to unforeseen challenges. Mullainathan and Shafir point to the leveraged buyout wave of the 1980s. During this time, many corporations were perceived as bloated, headed by executives who spent money wastefully. Buyouts were intended to impose pressure on these organizations by moving them from abundance to scarcity. However, many of these companies were pushed to the brink of bankruptcy. Mullainathan and Shafir suggest that, in an attempt to cut fat, these buyouts did away with necessary slack.
The chapter concludes with the example of Benihana restaurants, a restaurant chain that creatively managed seating scarcity by using communal tables and fast-paced, theatrical cooking. This approach not only optimized the use of space but also increased turnover and profitability, showcasing how understanding and managing the correct scarce resource—seating, in this case—can lead to significant business success.
Through these examples, Chapter 9 emphasizes the importance of designing systems and programs with an understanding of scarcity, the value of slack, and the need for fault tolerance. Mullainathan and Shafir argue that by doing so, organizations, governments, and businesses can better navigate the challenges posed by scarcity.
Chapter 10 delves into practical solutions for mitigating the negative impacts of scarcity on decision-making and behavior. Mullainathan and Shafir argue that while changing the inherent psychology of scarcity is challenging, altering the environment to counteract scarcity’s psychological effects can yield positive outcomes. They liken this approach to using rumble strips on highways—simple yet effective modifications that protect against human error.
Mullainathan and Shafir discuss how directing attention to important matters can help manage tunneling, the focus on immediate needs at the expense of longer-term considerations. As an example, the authors describe a project they implemented in Bolivia, Peru, and the Philippines, in which they sent reminders to poor individuals who wanted to save money. The monthly reminders, sent via text message or letter, increased savings by 6%. This program demonstrated that even small nudges could effectively increase savings by making future needs more salient, thus bringing beneficial actions into the “tunnel.”
The authors then discuss the phenomenon of neglect. While normally a detrimental behavior, neglect can be harnessed for good, especially in the context of saving money. Mullainathan and Shafir share that they have both enrolled in a program that automatically directs a portion of their paychecks to their savings accounts. This approach capitalizes on the tendency to overlook long-term goals, ensuring savings grow despite daily neglect. Mullainathan and Shafir also point to other studies that suggest that altering default options can significantly increase participation rates by making inaction lead to desirable outcomes. For instance, one study showed that at companies which defaulted to enrolling their employees in retirement savings plans, rather than requiring the employees to opt in, more than 80% enrolled in the plan.
Mullainathan and Shafir recommend transforming behaviors that require ongoing vigilance into one-off decisions. For instance, rather than constantly resisting unhealthy snacks, making a single decision to not purchase them at the grocery store eliminates the need for repeated self-control.
The authors also emphasize the importance of managing scarce resources wisely, such as by breaking down long deadlines into shorter, manageable chunks to prevent procrastination. They also recommend building slack into systems to buffer against shocks. This is critical to avoid overly focusing on immediate crises.
Finally, Mullainathan and Shafir make an ironic observation: Scarcity often emerges from periods of abundance. For instance, the last-minute stress of working toward a deadline is often preceded by ample time that was ineffectively used. The authors highlight the importance of using abundant periods wisely to prevent future scarcity. This includes appreciating the value of deadlines and creating buffers for unforeseen events.
Overall, Chapter 10 offers a blueprint for scarcity-proofing one’s environment, advocating for structural changes that account for human psychology under scarcity. By understanding and anticipating the effects of scarcity, individuals and institutions can implement strategies that help mitigate its negative consequences, leading to improved outcomes in various aspects of life.
Chapters 8-10 shift focus from identifying the problems caused by scarcity to exploring potential solutions. Mullainathan and Shafir employ a mix of analogies, case studies, and theoretical discussions to illustrate how redesigning systems with an understanding of scarcity can improve outcomes.
For instance, they use the analogy of WWII cockpit design errors to highlight systemic issues rather than individual failures, followed by examples from social programs and organizational strategies that fail to account for human errors induced by scarcity. This methodological shift from problem identification to solution-oriented discussion marks a pivotal transition in the narrative, exploring how environments can be structured to mitigate the adverse effects of scarcity. The conclusion of these chapters underscores the potential for positive change through intentional design, suggesting that understanding Scarcity’s Implications for Policy and Behavior can lead to more effective solutions.
Mullainathan and Shafir draw upon a diverse array of references, from WWII cockpit design flaws to the leveraged buyouts of the 1980s, to underpin their discussions on scarcity and its impacts. By referencing historical examples and linking them to contemporary research, they bridge gaps between abstract economic theories and the tangible effects of scarcity in everyday life. This analytical framework not only sheds new light on old problems but also offers innovative solutions for rethinking the design of social programs and policies.
In these chapters, Mullainathan and Shafir employ analogies to critique the design of social programs. For example, in Chapter 8, they say that the designers of these programs “rarely take the perspective that Chapanis took. Rather than look inside the cockpit, they have assumed that the problem lies with the person. They assume the problem is a lack of understanding or of motivation” (169). “[L]ooking inside the cockpit” references the work of Alphonse Chapanis, who improved airplane safety by redesigning cockpit controls to be more intuitive and error-resistant. The authors compare the complexity and potential for error in airplane cockpits to the challenges faced by individuals navigating social programs.
By using this analogy, the authors argue that, just as Chapanis identified the design of the cockpit—not the pilots—as the source of recurrent errors, social program designers should shift their focus from the perceived deficiencies of individuals (such as a lack of understanding or motivation) to the structural and systemic issues within the programs themselves. The analogy serves to shift the blame from the individual to the system, illustrating how poor program design can set individuals up for failure.
This example illuminates the authors’ broader argument that systems, not just personal failings, contribute to the persistence of scarcity. It encourages a reevaluation of how social structures and programs are created and the assumptions they are built upon. By invoking the process of cockpit design, Mullainathan and Shafir extend the analogy to suggest that social programs should be designed with a clear understanding of the user’s needs and the cognitive load imposed by scarcity, ensuring that these systems support rather than hinder the individuals they are meant to serve.
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