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John Locke, C. B. Macpherson, ed.

Second Treatise of Government

John Locke, C. B. Macpherson, ed.Nonfiction | Essay / Speech | Adult | Published in 1689

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Preface-Chapter 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Preface Summary

The Second Treatise of Government begins with a short Preface with three distinct purposes. First, Locke quickly recaps what the First Treatise was about and assures readers that they need not have read it to understand what he discusses in this particular essay. Second, he introduces what may as well be the main antagonistic force of both treatises: Robert Filmer, a contemporary of Locke’s who argued for absolute monarchy based on his personal interpretation of the creation story in the Book of Genesis.

Third, Locke says that he’s open to criticism and acknowledges that there may be flaws with some sections of his proposition. Locke accepts this and asks that anyone who does seek to critique his work doesn’t do it based on technicalities or with overly effusive emotion. He only wants genuine, rational, and structural critiques, not nit-picks or overblown arguments based on rage.

Chapter 1 Summary: “An Essay Concerning the True Original, Extent and End of Civil Government”

Locke recaps the arguments from the previous treatise which he uses as a baseline for his propositions and theses throughout this essay. He argues that Adam, despite being the progenitor of the human race, had no right over his children; God gave the Earth to humankind in common, and to presuppose that Adam’s own will superseded that of the rest of his kind is nonsensical.

Likewise, individuals do not inherently possess power over each other. While a father may have influence over his children, or a master may have influence over his servant, these relationships are not based on natural power deficiencies but on political relationships that must be entered into, with equal understanding by both parties.

Locke concludes the section by defining political power as the “right of making laws […] for the regulating and preserving of property, and of employing the force of the community, in the execution of such laws, and in the defence of the common-wealth from foreign injury; and all this only for the public good” (8).

Chapter 2 Summary: “The State of Nature”

Locke calls the state of nature, “a state of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another” (8).

He writes that all men are subject to the laws of nature, and it is by these laws and universal subjection to them that all men are rendered equal to one another. It is by this state that men, as individuals, are allowed to engage in whatever activities that will bring their own personal benefit and good.

However, Locke also makes the firm point that “though this be a state of liberty […] it is not a state of license” (9). Though men are given freedom by nature, they are not given the right to exercise it in whatever way they choose; they can’t bring harm, subjection, or submission to themselves or others. It is here where true humanity, rationality, and responsibility emerge, and it is here where the concept of a government begins to become valuable.

Locke makes it clear, though, that men are capable of meting out justice and governing themselves in the state of nature without a constructed government. In the state of nature, an ideal balance can be reached wherein men tend to themselves and those around them. In the case of crimes or violations of this condition, they have the full right to “destroy things noxious to them, and so may bring such evil on anyone, who hath transgressed” (10).

Locke asserts that men have a right to self-preservation, which means that those who would threaten an individual’s ability to preserve themselves are no better than animals, and so “may be destroyed as a lion or a tyger, one of those wild savage beasts, with whom men have no society nor security” (10).

Locke acknowledges that many may question whether such a state has ever existed or will ever exist, and he answers that in his conception, it currently does. Any ruler of an independent nation, any governor of an independent community, even any member of any community, is in a state of nature with those around them. All people are subject to the laws of nature, and though governments may help to regulate certain affairs and agreements between individuals or collectives, “truth and keeping of faith belongs to men, as men, and not as members of society” (13). In Locke’s mind, the state of nature is a large part of what many call the “human condition.”

Chapter 3 Summary: “The State of War”

Opposite the state of nature is the state of war, in which an individual makes a “sedate settle design upon another man’s life” (14). Locke uses this definition as the basis to describe where such a condition often leads men and what situations arise when individuals or collectives are in such relational conflicts with each other. Locke clarifies that the state of war does not encompass being angry with someone; rather, it is a fixed and immovable position of enmity in which two or more individuals or entities reside until one destroys the other, they both destroy themselves, or a compromise is reached between them.

Locke illustrates his point using a thief as an example:

This makes it lawful for a man to kill a thief […] because using force, where he has no right, to get me into his power, let his pretence be what it will, I have no reason to suppose, that he, who would take away my liberty, would not, when he had me in his power, take away every thing else (15).

This correlates with the point Locke makes in Chapter 2, where he says that individuals have a right to defend themselves, or even attack others, if their capability of self-preservation is harmed by an opposing party.

Locke concludes by saying that one of the reasons government exists is to annul the more dangerous qualities and endpoints of the state of war. With a third party to oversee and pass judgement on conflicts between individuals and parties, there is a lesser chance of all-out war between those groups than there would be without such mediation.

Preface-Chapter 3 Analysis

These first three chapters could be called the “states” section, where Locke lays out his conception of the two universal states and their concurrent rights that every human being, regardless of status or position, inhabits and possesses inherently under the laws of nature. These two states and their rights, which are unassailable by any individual or political body under Locke’s framework, have formed the foundation for many modern governments and continue to shape political and social discourse to this day. They are perhaps some of the most important pieces of political thought ever introduced into Western culture, at the least, and global society, at the most.

The ideas articulated here may seem nakedly apparently, even blatantly obvious, to those in the modern day, but Locke’s initial propositions were relatively radical for his time, and they later formed the foundation of many of the revolutions in the late 18th century, including in the United States and France.

One significant development is the idea that all men are equal to each other from a divine basis and that the Earth was given to men in common.

Locke was not the first to posit the idea of a state of nature. Both the influential political scientist and philosopher Thomas Hobbes and the notable writer Robert Hooker developed the idea of a human state that existed both before and beyond the influences of government, decades before Locke published The Second Treatise. Leviathan, Hobbes’s philosophical book on the subject, was published in 1651, almost 30 years earlier than the Second Treatise. However, it was Locke’s conception of the state of nature that crystallized the idea and saw it fully realized in the public consciousness and political vocabulary.

In fact, Locke’s and Hobbes’s ideas on the state of nature are quite distinct. While Locke posits that all men are equal to each other, Hobbes describes men as locked in a war against each other, envisioning the state of nature as “the war of all against all.” Due to this conflict, Hobbes believed that the people could not form a cooperative union, and so he wrote in support of an absolute monarchy, believing a strong sovereign was necessary to ensure social order. Locke, however, had faith in the people and believed that men retain reason even in the state of war, and so he proposes a liberal government based on the consent of the governed.

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