47 pages • 1 hour read
Arlie Russell HochschildA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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The author begins this study with an inquiry into what she terms the “Great Paradox”—a tendency amongst right-wing voters (especially those who espouse Tea Party beliefs) in under-resourced states to vote against their own social and economic interests. She is particularly interested in environmental pollution and environmental regulations, and she asks herself: “How can such a polluted state take such a dim view of government regulation of polluters” (55)? Among other similar studies, she notices a tendency to examine only the social and economic factors that impact political belief formation and voting patterns, and she wonders what role emotions play in these processes. As a result of years of interviews with subjects in and around Lake Charles, Louisiana, all of whom self-identify as Tea Party Republicans, she articulates what she calls the “deep story.” Deep stories are narratives of self, society, and nation that feel true to an individual or a group. At the end of her study, she concludes that the deep stories of Tea Party voters do more to shape their political identities than facts and figures and even lived experience: Affect is more important to most voters than fact.
Initially, the author finds three key factors that impact political identity that are profoundly impacted by emotion: After conducting a series of interviews with multiple subjects, commonalities begin to emerge. She finds that among Tea Party affiliated voters in Louisiana, ideas about taxation, faith, and honor shape political beliefs. There is widespread mistrust of the government, both state and federal. Tea Party voters resent what they perceive as the misuse of their hard-earned tax dollars and the over-reach of the government into business affairs. One of their key resentments is about the use of taxpayer dollars for governmentally funded social welfare. They feel that the agencies responsible for administering welfare or overseeing affirmative action and other diversity programming are bloated and inefficient. Because the subjects are, by and large, deeply rooted in various communities of faith, they see the church as better situated to help those in need. They also feel, for a variety of reasons rooted most prominently in demographic changes and in the scorn with which they are treated by “liberal elites,” that contemporary American society strips them of dignity and honor.
The author then uses this set of observations to develop what she thinks of the “deep story” of Tea Party Republicans: Against the backdrop of a declining economy, they envision a white, working-class “everyman” who has been waiting in line patiently to achieve the American Dream. This man works hard, perseveres in the face of adversity, and finds a sense of honor in their work ethic and ability to endure difficulty. Suddenly, a series of people cut the line. By this, the author addresses the subjects’ belief that people of color, immigrants, women, the LGBTQ+ community, and other members of minoritarian groups receive government “handouts” in the form of welfare, affirmative action, housing assistance, and other kinds of state aid. White, working-class Americans are not given these benefits and continue to struggle financially. To add insult to injury, white working-class Americans are ridiculed in the (liberal) media as “hillbillies” and derided as racists. They view their identitarian position as central to American cultural identity, writ large, and are deeply wounded that this identity is now dismissed as “backwards.” It is this deep story that propels these voters toward the Republican Party: After all, they reason, the Republican Party does not waste their tax dollars or interfere in the affairs of their businesses, and (most importantly) the party respects them and treats them with honor and dignity.
The larger project at work in the author’s effort to understand voters with views oppositional to her own is one of empathy and involves ultimately creating a kind of roadmap for bridging the political divide in the contemporary United States. Her study was designed not only to explain puzzling voting patterns and to uncover the deep stories that shape them, but also to illustrate the process by which they, too, can understand and empathize with “the other side.” In today’s deeply polarized society, creating this bridge is important in finding commonality and identifying ways to connect with and help one another. The process she outlines begins with a concept she terms an “empathy wall.” Empathy walls are obstacles to “deep understanding of another person” (5). Her first task is to identify her own empathy walls as they emerge during the course of her interviews. She develops genuine respect for many of the individuals whom she gets to know and notes: “[T]he people I met in Louisiana had showed me that the wall can easily come down” (232).
The author begins the process of breaking down her empathy walls through listening. One of the primary empathy walls she identifies within her own thinking is how incongruous she finds Tea Party voting patterns. Individuals like Mike Schaff who have been personally victimized by big industry and lax environmental regulations continue to vote for politicians with deep ties to big business who show little interest in environmental protection. As the author gets to know Mike better and listens further, she comes to realize the importance that his deep story plays in his political identity, and she begins to see the way that religion, the value he places on hard work and honor, and his deep mistrust of the government shape his beliefs. Empathy walls can come down, she finds, when she looks beyond her expectations and instead focuses on their own felt experience of their life.
She further breaks down empathy walls during the interviewing process by getting to know people beyond politics. She finds that she can identify many positive attributes in the people she speaks with and observes: “Many of the Tea Party that I met seemed to me warm, intelligent, and generous, not like the people out of the frightening pages of Ayn Rand” (57). Religion plays a key role in this process: Hochschild has identified the role that faith plays in belief formation, and she encourages people to talk about their faith and their faith-based communities. Although she herself believes that it should be the role of the government to administer aid and social welfare programming, she comes to understand why so many Tea Party voters argue instead that churches should serve that function. She sees firsthand the charitable work churches in small, rural communities perform and observes: “[A]ll the churches I visit also meet needs beyond the spiritual” (120). Through thoroughly getting to know people and what matters to them, she comes to understand them better. There is a way in which she meets her subjects “where they are” and instead of judging them or making note of their divergent beliefs, she listens and thinks critically not only about what matters to them but about how those ideas shape their identities.
Environmental pollution is the “keyhole issue” through which the author examines Tea Party voting patterns and the “great paradox.” What begins as a puzzling incongruity (voter preference for pro-business, anti-regulation candidates in states disproportionately impacted by pollution) is ultimately revealed as a complex, nuanced set of interlocking issues. The area of Louisiana where Hochschild does her research, a set of small communities in and around Lake Charles, is characterized both by its lack of resources and opportunities and by its unusually high numbers of environmental disasters. Bayous, waterways, and lakes have much more pollution than bodies of water in more affluent (and left-leaning) states, and in many cases, waters are so polluted as to be unsafe for recreation or fishing. Still, it is an area in which people report feeling deep ties to the land. Most families contain avid fishermen and hunters, and particularly in its coastal regions, Louisiana is a major source of commercial seafood. It seems to the author that pollution and an unwillingness to impose and enforce environmental regulations directly harm people and their livelihoods, and she initially does not understand why there is so much unwillingness, in both the government and the electorate, to address the problem.
Through her interviews, she ultimately uncovers an answer to her question, and voting patterns begin to make more sense to her. In this part of Louisiana, there are few resources and few jobs. Small communities in particular are desperate for economic opportunities, and polluting industries like petrochemical plants are often the only businesses looking to establish a home base in the area. Because their livelihood becomes tied to the very industries that damage their lands and waterways, these communities are “stuck.” She observes: “Many workers in the petrochemical plants […] were conservative Republicans who felt caught in a terrible bind […] they loved their magnificent wilderness [and] they had children to feed and felt wary of supporting any environmental movement or federal government action that might jeopardize them” (51). Although Republican, and particularly Tea Party candidates, consistently vote in favor of big business and against environmental regulation, the alternative is left-wing candidates who threaten to (over)regulate industry, driving businesses out of the region entirely. The choice becomes between supporting candidates whose policies harm communities and candidates whose policies might remove those communities’ sole source of income. When she understands this “bind,” Tea Party voting patterns make much more sense to the author, and she comes to understand how heartbreakingly complex the issue of environmental regulation is, particularly in rural communities like those in and around Lake Charles.
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