56 pages • 1 hour read
Stephanie KeltonA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Chapter 5 examines international trade, challenging conventional wisdom about trade deficits and exploring how modern monetary theory offers new perspectives on global economic relationships.
Kelton watched with her son the 2015 Republican primary debates, during which Donald Trump criticized trade relationships with countries like Mexico, China, and Japan. This personal anecdote introduces the chapter’s central tension: the widespread belief that trade deficits indicate economic failure.
Kelton disputes the notion that trade deficits automatically signal economic weakness. She explains that imports represent real benefits to a nation, while exports represent costs in terms of resources and labor. This paradigm shift suggests that trade surpluses might actually indicate economic loss rather than gain. The author notes that public anxiety about trade deficits stems primarily from job losses when companies move production overseas.
The chapter focuses on the concept of monetary sovereignty, explaining how different nations possess varying degrees of control over their economic destinies. Countries with high monetary sovereignty, such as the United States, Japan, and Canada, issue their own currencies and avoid borrowing in foreign denominations. In contrast, nations with lower monetary sovereignty often struggle with currency pegs, foreign-denominated debt, or membership in currency unions like the eurozone.
The unique position of the US dollar receives particular attention. After President Nixon ended the gold standard in 1971, the dollar became the dominant global reserve currency. This status means that approximately 90% of international currency trades involve US dollars, granting America significant economic advantages while creating dependencies for other nations.
Developing nations face particular challenges in the current international trade system. These countries typically lack diverse industries and must import essential goods while exporting raw materials or providing cheap manufacturing labor. This dynamic often leads to persistent trade deficits and reliance on US dollar-denominated debt. Kelton criticizes international institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for promoting policies that perpetuate these inequities rather than helping nations achieve greater monetary sovereignty.
The chapter examines how current trade agreements often favor wealthy investors while disadvantaging workers and environmental protection. Kelton criticizes mechanisms like investor-state dispute settlements, which allow corporations to challenge national regulations that might affect their profits. She also questions intellectual property provisions that can make essential medicines unaffordable in developing nations.
Kelton proposes several solutions to create more equitable international trade relationships. She advocates for a federal job guarantee program to address unemployment caused by trade-related job losses. The author points to Argentina’s response to its 2001 financial crisis as an example, noting how the country created jobs for 13% of its workforce through public service programs rather than following traditional austerity measures.
The chapter concludes by arguing for a fundamental restructuring of international trade relationships. Kelton envisions a system in which the United States uses its economic power to promote environmental sustainability and worker protections globally. She suggests that developing nations should be supported in achieving food and energy sovereignty through sustainable agriculture and renewable energy programs. This approach would reduce their dependence on imports and foreign currency while advancing global climate goals.
In Chapter 6, Kelton challenges the widespread belief that entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare are financially unsustainable. The chapter dismantles misconceptions about these programs’ fiscal viability while examining their historical development, political opposition, and genuine economic considerations.
Kelton traces the origins of Social Security’s perceived financial instability to US President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s decision in 1935 to link the program to payroll taxes. While FDR intended this structure to protect Social Security by making workers feel invested in its survival, this choice inadvertently created vulnerabilities. The establishment of trust funds and a board of trustees required to make 75-year financial projections led to persistent claims of the program’s impending insolvency.
The author illustrates this point by comparing different Medicare trust funds. Medicare Part B remains “solvent” because Congress granted it ongoing legal authority to pay benefits regardless of trust fund balances. In contrast, Social Security faces periodic “crises” solely because Congress imposed artificial accounting constraints on its ability to pay benefits. The problem, Kelton argues, stems from political choices rather than actual financial limitations.
The chapter details numerous attempts to undermine entitlement programs. Kelton describes how in the late 20th century, investment banker Peter G. Peterson devoted approximately $1 billion to campaigns aimed at cutting social programs. Politicians from both major parties, including Presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, proposed various benefit reductions. Even terminology shifted strategically: The phrase “earned entitlements” became simply “entitlements,” acquiring negative connotations associated with unearned privilege.
Kelton presents several key examples to support her arguments. She references a 2005 exchange between US Congressman Paul Ryan and Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, in which Greenspan acknowledged that the federal government could always pay Social Security benefits. She also cites economist Robert Eisner’s 1998 article arguing that Social Security faced no genuine financial crisis, only artificial accounting constraints.
The author emphasizes that modern monetary theory reveals the true constraints on entitlement programs involve real resources rather than financial capacity. As the population ages, the central challenge lies in ensuring sufficient productive capacity to provide needed goods and services—particularly healthcare—rather than finding money to pay for them. Kelton notes that by 2030, Americans over 65 will outnumber children under 18 for the first time in US history.
The chapter addresses several counterarguments to entitlement programs. It examines claims about unsustainable dependency ratios, rising life expectancy, and generational theft. Kelton refutes these arguments by pointing out that overall life expectancy has declined in recent years, though significant disparities exist based on income levels. The author notes that wealthy Americans live approximately 10-15 years longer than their poorest counterparts.
Kelton concludes by reframing the entire debate around entitlements. Rather than asking how to pay for these programs, she argues that society should focus on developing sufficient real resources—healthcare providers, facilities, and productivity improvements—to meet future needs. The chapter emphasizes that entitlement programs reflect fundamental values about human dignity and society’s obligations to its members, particularly the elderly, disabled, and economically disadvantaged.
In Chapters 5 and 6, Kelton undertakes a comprehensive examination of two critical economic issues: international trade relationships and social program sustainability. Through meticulous analysis of historical precedents, political discourse, and economic theory, Kelton constructs a critique of conventional economic wisdom while presenting an alternative framework based on MMT.
Through her analysis of international monetary relationships, Kelton illuminates The Government’s Unique Power as a Currency Issuer by examining how countries like the United States, Japan, and the United Kingdom possess distinct advantages in the global economy. As she explains, “Nearly 90 percent of currency trade involves the US dollar” (171), highlighting America’s unique position in the global financial system. The text demonstrates this through careful examination of historical examples, including the evolution from the Bretton Woods system to the current floating exchange rate regime. Kelton points out that “many countries weaken their monetary sovereignty by continuing to peg their currencies to the US dollar” (175), creating unnecessary constraints on their economic policies. This analysis extends to developing nations’ struggles with foreign-denominated debt, contrasted with the United States’ ability to issue debt in its own currency, leading Kelton to observe that “Uncle Sam never has to borrow in anything but his own currency, and he doesn’t even have to do that” (174).
Kelton argues that traditional economic thinking about deficits has constrained policy options and limited social progress. She demonstrates how Challenging Conventional Wisdom that Deficits are Bad requires understanding the evolution of economic thought and policy making. She cites Alan Greenspan’s remarkable testimony before Congress, where he acknowledged that “there’s nothing to prevent the federal government from creating as much money as it wants and paying it to somebody” (215). The text examines how figures like Pete Peterson, who “funneled as much as $1 billion into a public relations campaign whose agenda included undermining support for popular social programs” (208), have shaped public discourse around deficits and social spending. Kelton particularly focuses on the impact of this narrative on Social Security, documenting how Roosevelt’s decision to link the program to payroll taxes created unnecessary constraints that continue to threaten the program’s political sustainability.
In examining both trade relationships and social programs, Kelton emphasizes Real Resource Constraints versus Financial Constraints through careful analysis of productive capacity, labor force participation, and demographic trends. As she explains, “Over the next 18 years, an average of 10,000 Americans will turn sixty-five every day” (222), highlighting the real challenge of providing services to an aging population. The text provides specific examples of resource constraints, noting that “a 70-year-old consumes more healthcare and less childcare than a 35-year-old. That means the economy will need to produce more of some things and less of other things” (222). This distinction becomes particularly important in Kelton’s discussion of Social Security’s future, where she emphasizes that the real challenge lies not in finding money to pay benefits but in ensuring sufficient productive capacity to provide goods and services for retirees.
Kelton bolsters her arguments with historical context by tracing how various presidential administrations, from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Barack Obama, have approached issues of trade and social security. She documents how President Bill Clinton’s welfare reform “aspired to help people get back to work” but “what it really did was force people off the assistance rolls, reducing many families to poverty” (211). The text examines specific policy decisions, such as Obama’s deficit commission, which relied on Peterson’s foundation for funding and resources, demonstrating how political considerations often override economic realities. Particularly significant is Kelton’s analysis of the “greedy geezer” (191) rhetoric employed by deficit hawks like Republican Senator Alan Simpson, who used inflammatory language to stigmatize social program beneficiaries. Kelton argues that such derogatory rhetoric serves a specific political purpose: to divide younger and older Americans while obscuring the fact that the government, as the currency issuer, can afford to support both generations simultaneously.
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