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63 pages 2 hours read

Marcus Rediker

The Slave Ship: A Human History

Marcus RedikerNonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2007

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Themes

The Slave Ship as a Factory

Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of death.

The Slave Ship examines the physical and social environment of the slave ship as a microcosm of the transatlantic slave trade. Rediker argues that the slave ship itself was a “floating factory” (135), a machine designed to take in captured Africans and turn out enslaved people. As such, the subject of the book is not necessarily interested in tackling the vessels from a nautical or engineering perspective but from their industrializing effect on the human body. Through the slave ship, Rediker hopes to shed light on the holistic and deliberate brutality of the slave trade as an industry. The first slave ships were repurposed from regular ships. Over the course of the centuries of experience and profits, however, they began to be custom built in accordance with the needs of the captains and merchants. Slavery was such a profitable industry that old technology was repurposed and adapted, transforming a traditional industry according to the demands and circumstances of the slave trade. Old ships could be adapted for the slave trade, but merchants and captains sought to refine and perfect their factory for maximum efficiency.

Presenting the slave ship as a factory allows Rediker to recontextualize the process of enslavement. Rather than a voyage, he seeks to present the Middle Passage as a production line. The routes taken around the Atlantic—of which the Middle Passage was the deadliest and most relevant to this conversation—were conducted on the basis of efficiency. Goods and cargo were bought and sold; sometimes, this included people. Rediker’s many accounts of brutal violence aboard the ships illustrate the degree to which violence and terror were deliberately used to dehumanize enslaved people. The violence was part of the industrializing process and aimed to “slowly transform [enslaved people] into commodities for the international labor market” (7). The slave ship—sailing on the sea, away from scrutiny for so much of its life—escaped the gaze of society. As such, the violence taking place aboard a slave ship was akin to the industrial process taking place behind factory doors. This was intentional, Rediker argues, and made possible by the use of violence to dehumanize people and prepare them for a lifetime of slavery.

To illustrate the industrial nature of the slave ship—a factory with captive human beings as its raw material and enslaved people as its product—he shares anecdotes from the journals of the captains. Brutal violence was documented in unemotional terms, with people being beaten and killed as a cost of doing business. The eerily similar tones of these industrial accounts reveal the extent to which the violent captains considered themselves to be acting in accord with industry expectations. They even shared best practices with one another at their community meetings, which Rediker presents as akin to the trade conferences that take place in many industries today. Ironically, this detached, unemotional, and businesslike approach became part of the undoing of slavery. The Brooks image was an industrial blueprint of the layout of a slave ship. This objective, detached presentation of the reality of the ship for an enslaved person—cramped, hellish, and deadly—was impossible to deny. By abstracting the process of slavery into an industry and turning the slave ship into a factory, the orchestrators of the slave trade created an incontrovertible demonstration of the brutality of their industry. The violence and dehumanization that had become part of the factory line in the industry became abhorrent, helping to turn the public mood against slavery. The slave ship was a factory that turned people into commodities but also became the manufacturer of its own demise.

The Slave Trade as a Metonym for Capitalism

Rediker makes clear the link between the slave trade and capitalism as an economic system: “[H]orrors have always been, and remain, central to the making of global capitalism” (13). In slavery, Rediker sees the same profit-driven processes of dehumanization taken to their logical extreme. The suffering of the many, he suggests, serves to enrich the few. The common sailors—the proletariat of the ship—were involved in a system of exploitation designed to enrich the capitalists. Even as they abused the enslaved people in the ship’s hold, they were themselves being abused and exploited by the captain and officers—and, remotely, by the ship’s owners. People were taken from Africa, enslaved by Europeans and Americans, and then made to work on plantations producing goods and commodities to be sold on the international market. Through slavery, the plantation owners, merchants, and capitalists found free labor at the expense of others. Rediker cites Walter Rodney, who believed that slavery was “the new, modern economic system in all its horrifying nakedness, capitalism without a loincloth” (339).

Rediker is able to present slavery as a metonym for capitalism—and particularly global capitalism—due to the concurrence of historical events. The transatlantic slave trade began in the 1500s and lasted until the 1800s, the period in which Western capitalism emerged as the dominant economic force on the planet. This emergence was fueled, Rediker suggests, by the free labor brutally extracted from enslaved people. This process of exploitation was not without challenge. Rediker describes the many mutinies and insurrections on the slave ships (carried out by the common sailors and the enslaved, respectively) and likens these to larger-scale challenges to the social order on dry land. The slave ship, Rediker suggests, correlates to the social structure of American and European societies at the time: the division of labor on the ship, for example, reflected “a hierarchy of laboring roles” that mirrored that of capitalist society (57), with the rich on top and the poor beneath. An insurrection by the enslaved captives was a clear challenge to the social order by the most marginalized people on the ship, but a mutiny was an expression of class tension, Rediker argues. On a larger scale, the exploitation of the common sailors erupted into a labor riot in Liverpool in 1857, when sailors took up arms against the wealthy merchants in a scene that Rediker presents like a political revolution. The analogy is apt, as the riot was motivated by simmering class tensions that were caused by the slave trade on a micro scale and the capitalist economic system on a macro scale. The exploitation of common sailors allows Rediker to demonstrate the extent to which traditional critiques of capitalist exploitation—as a means by which the wealthy exploit the poor for profit—can be applied easily to the slave ships and the slave trade as a whole.

By tying together the slave trade and the capitalist economic system in his reader’s mind, Rediker demonstrates how much of the legacy of slavery lingers into the present day, long after abolition. Throughout the book, he describes men like Henry Laurens and James D’Wolf who were directly involved in the slave trade. They profited from the slave trade and, even after abolition, were able to maintain their wealth. They became the patriarchs of wealthy families and political dynasties, while the enslaved people whose labor had been exploited for centuries received nothing in return. The capitalist system endured beyond abolition, Rediker notes, even if slavery itself ended. Rediker hopes that his book can help to show the degree to which slavery’s effects have lingered into the modern day. Rediker does not advocate for any specific policies or reparations, but he urges his audience to work toward “a social movement for justice” (355). His book looks to the past to describe the brutality of the slave trade, hoping that this history can be brought forward into modern critiques of the capitalist system.

History From Below

History from below is an approach to historical study that focuses on the experiences, perspectives, and agency of ordinary people rather than on elites, rulers, or major institutions. Emerging as a response to traditional historical narratives that often centered political leaders, wars, and statecraft, history from below seeks to uncover the lived experiences of marginalized groups, laborers, women, enslaved people, and others who have historically been excluded from mainstream historical accounts. In The Slave Ship, Rediker seeks to create a history from below of the slave trade by exploring social hierarchies of the ship itself, including the perspectives of the enslaved people and the common sailors. History from below challenges the idea that history is solely shaped by the decisions of great men or dominant institutions, such as the merchants and capitalists who profited from the slave trade or the politicians who passed abolition bills.

History from below is particularly useful for studying the transatlantic slave trade, Rediker suggests, because it centers the experiences and agency of enslaved Africans, who were the primary victims of this system but whose voices have often been excluded from traditional narratives. Writers such as Olaudah Equiano were able to provide insight into the lived experiences of those who suffered on board the slave ships. Traditional histories of the slave trade have frequently focused on the economic systems, political agreements, and colonial powers that organized and benefited from the trade, leaving little room for the stories of those who were enslaved. By exploring resistance to enslavement—including rebellions, escape attempts, and cultural preservation—Rediker’s work recognizes the humanity and agency of enslaved people in the face of dehumanizing systems.

Rediker’s desire to explore history from below is mirrored by the work of 19th-century journalist Thomas Clarkson, described in Chapter 10. In his quest to further the abolition movement, Clarkson realized that he needed to speak to common sailors. He knew that the “wealthy, self-interested people” would resist his investigations (320). Clarkson was correct, as he was often targeted and threatened by the influential and important figures who profited most from slavery. Instead, he gathered firsthand descriptions of the violence of the slave trade from the common sailors. Their “tales of brutal mistreatment” provided the abolitionist movement with an entirely new perspective (323), one that caused a stir of sympathy among the wider public. In effect, Clarkson was constructing a history from below out of necessity. Rediker’s book functions as an attempt to repeat this process, illustrating the violence and brutality of the slave ship from a new perspective.

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