Without Conscience: The Disturbing World of the Psychopaths Among Us

Hare points out that criminal acts do not necessarily stem from a lack of conscience or inadequate socialization. People turn to crime for a variety of reasons. Some grow up in environments where there is a lack of socioeconomic opportunities and “criminal behavior […] is the accepted norm” (83). Some are victims of abuse who go on to perpetuate that behavior in adulthood. While certain crimes are fueled by substance addiction, others are stand-alone crimes of passion. However, in the case of psychopaths, criminal activity is prompted by natural propensity rather than individual circumstances. Approximately 20% of prisoners are psychopaths, and their crimes range from vandalism and petty theft to kidnapping, murder, and terrorism. Studies show that psychopaths commit at least twice as many violent crimes as other criminals. They also react casually and unemotionally in the aftermath of their actions. For example, a driver who killed a mother and her child in a road accident expressed concern that he would miss a social engagement when apprehended.

Most perpetrators of crimes of passion act out of extreme anger or jealousy and feel remorse afterward. However, Hare explains that psychopathic violence lacks emotional intensity and is likely to be prompted by everyday occurrences. This is illustrated by a psychopath who calmly informed the police he had stabbed a man in a bar who refused to give up his table. The author expresses concern that the remorseless, psychopathic criminal has become a cult figure in popular culture. Hare believes this influence is reflected in increased gang violence and brutal attacks on strangers.

Psychopaths make up approximately half of serial rapists. Meanwhile, in a research study, 25% of the men undertaking a treatment program for domestic violence were diagnosed as psychopaths. Hare stresses this is concerning, as psychopaths are “resistant to change” (94). He argues that many attend treatment programs to convince the criminal justice system that they can be rehabilitated. In doing so, psychopaths take up treatment places that could benefit offenders who are capable of change and often dominate group discussions. Furthermore, their involvement in such programs may convince the partners of psychopaths that a cure is possible, persuading them to stay in abusive relationships.

Hare states that diagnosing psychopathy is crucial to predicting the likelihood of recidivism. Studies show that, on release from prison, psychopaths are twice as likely to re-offend than other criminals. In the case of violent psychopathic criminals, the likelihood triples. In a study of rapists released from prison after a treatment program, most of the one-third who reoffended scored highly on the Hare Psychopathy Checklist.

The author notes that the criminal behaviors of psychopaths often decline after the age of forty, particularly in the case of non-violent crimes. Research suggests that middle-aged psychopaths retain the same character traits but learn to gratify their desires in less flagrantly antisocial ways. For example, after release from prison, a forty-two-year-old psychopath was not convicted of further crimes. However, the individual was dismissed from several jobs due to likely misuse of funds and abusive behavior toward coworkers.

The chapter begins with an account of John Grambling Jr., who committed white-collar crimes all his adult life. He defrauded two banks of millions of dollars, established a bogus charity, and conned his sister-in-law out of $4.5 million. Nevertheless, in a letter to the court, Grambling denied being a conman, insisting he was empathetic. White-collar psychopaths like Grambling use charm rather than violence to facilitate their crimes. They often receive light sentences or avoid prison and go on to repeat their crimes, posing a threat to individuals and financial institutions.

Many psychopathic criminals play on society’s automatic trust of those in respected professions. An example is “Brad,” one of Hare’s research subjects. Brad was an investment manager from a respectable professional family and scored highly on the Hare Psychopathy Checklist. He was in prison for fraudulently obtaining several million dollars from clients’ trust accounts. He also stole from his sister and parents by forging checks in their names. Brad was credible and likable in interviews and claimed that his crimes were victimless.

White-collar psychopaths often choose professions where they can fake the required skills and qualifications. They often pose as financial consultants, psychologists, counselors, therapists, or doctors. An unqualified orthopedic surgeon performed surgery for almost a year in Vancouver, disappearing when his incompetence and sexual relationships with patients were exposed. He was later jailed after posing as a psychiatrist in England. Working in such positions allows psychopaths to target the vulnerable. For example, those working with children can cause sexual, physical, and emotional harm to minors. Hare reveals that he did not receive payment after appearing as a guest speaker at a Californian conference. He then discovered that the organizer of the event had been charged with fraud, forgery, and theft and had a long criminal record. Psychiatrists diagnosed the conference organizer as a psychopath, but Hare had spent time with him and suspected nothing. He recalled paying the bar tab and reflected that, if asked, he would probably have loaned the man money.

The author refers to psychopaths who never go to prison as “subcriminals.” The crimes of subcriminals often go undetected or unpunished, thanks to their intelligence, status, or other factors. Some subcriminals may not technically break the law but violate ethical standards. The existence of subcriminal psychopaths means that high-profile cases of psychopathy, such as Ted Bundy and John Wayne Gacy, represent a very small percentage of the psychopathic population and its behavior. Many more victims of psychopaths suffer behind the scenes. The problem is exacerbated as psychopaths often successfully present themselves as victims and their victims as perpetrators. Hare spoke to a woman whose husband cheated on her, stole from her, and made her live in fear. However, he convinced everyone else that his wife was at fault. When he emptied his wife’s bank account and left her for a 17-year-old student, many people blamed her, believing she had caused his uncharacteristic actions.

White-collar psychopaths often flourish in the corporate world, charming their superiors while abusing their subordinates. Paul Babiak, a corporate psychologist, was hired to investigate an employee named “Dave.” Dave used plagiarized material in reports, skipped tasks that did not interest him, was rude to coworkers, misused the expenses account, and did not learn from feedback or acknowledge his errors. Although he interviewed well, most of his coworkers soon realized he was a liar. Despite Babiak’s discovery that Dave had also lied in his job application, his superiors remained convinced of his management potential. He had already been promoted twice, and his failings were excuses as signs of ambition. Dave scored highly on the Hare Psychopathy Checklist.

Society offers many profitable opportunities to white-collar psychopaths. Hare suggests that the corporate and financial sectors, in particular, lend themselves to committing crime with minimal repercussions. He points to the well-publicized scams of the Vancouver Stock Exchange that inflate share prices and the money laundering of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International. The author infers that the corrupt publishing magnate Robert Maxwell embodies how ruthless white-collar criminals thrive in the corporate world. Although it was common knowledge that Maxwell used dishonest business practices, those who knew kept quiet until his death.

Research shows psychopaths often exhibit peculiarities of speech. As well as failing to answer questions in a tangential manner, they often make contradictory statements. One of Hare’s case studies denied ever committing a violent crime but, in the same sentence, admitted he once killed someone. Another subject claimed an eyewitness lied about seeing him at the scene of an armed robbery and then reflected he should have blown the witness’s head off. This tendency toward contradictory statements suggests that psychopaths’ use of language is poorly controlled, like their behavior. A lack of linguistic proficiency is also demonstrated when psychopaths use words in unconventional or erroneous ways. In an interview with a journalist, the psychopathic serial killer Clifford Olson repeatedly confused words, describing himself as an “escape goat” rather than a “scape goat,” and referring to “migrating” rather than “mitigating” circumstances.

Brain imaging shows that in most people, the left cerebral hemisphere of the brain controls language use, while the right hemisphere governs spatial awareness, sight, and emotions. This division of tasks increases the brain’s processing efficiency. However, in psychopaths, the language centers are located in both the left and right hemispheres, reducing efficiency in understanding and producing language. Furthermore, while psychopaths often understand the definitions of words, they cannot grasp “their emotional value or significance” (128). In other words, psychopaths use words connected with emotion without feeling the emotion they express. Studies reveal that for most people, words associated with emotion, such as “death” or “cancer,” have greater power than “neutral” words, such as “paper.” If seen on a screen, emotionally charged words prompt a quicker and stronger reaction in the brain. However, in the same tests on psychopaths, emotional and neutral words produced an equal response in the brain. Research suggests that the bilateral management of language in psychopaths’ brains extends to their processing of emotion, explaining their shallow affect.

Hare explains that the hand gestures of psychopaths also reflect their differences in processing language and emotion. The unconscious hand movements humans use when they speak are known as beats and reflect the effort required to translate thoughts into language. Consequently, people often use more beats to express themselves in a non-native language. Beats also reflect the size of thought units, ranging from small (a single idea) to large (long, complex narratives). Research shows that psychopaths use beats more frequently, particularly when talking about emotions. The finding suggests a difficulty in expressing concepts they do not fully comprehend. Frequent rapid beats also indicate that psychopaths’ thought units are small. Hare suggests that small units are useful to psychopaths in lying as they can be “readily moved around” like Scrabble tiles (135). However, as a result, their narratives are less cohesive and sometimes contradictory. The author argues that the inmate who claimed he had killed someone but never committed a violent crime was likely expressing “two independent thought units” and was, therefore, unaware of the inconsistency (136). Hare compares a psychopath’s storytelling to a film with continuity errors. Although the inconsistencies are clear, some viewers may not notice if they are engrossed in the movie. This analogy explains the anomaly between psychopaths’ difficulty in telling a coherent story and their ability to deceive others. It is their convincing performance that causes others to overlook inconsistencies.

Hare has been asked if evidence of the disordered language and emotional deficits of psychopaths should alter the legal view of them as sane. It could be argued that their inability to understand emotions means psychopaths are not responsible for their behavior. However, the author asserts that psychopaths understand society’s rules and are capable of controlling behaviors; therefore, they should be held responsible for their actions.

Hare explains how psychopaths use charm to manipulate and prey on other people. Their persuasiveness lies in nonverbal details such as their manner, appearance, and body language, and intense eye contact. The effect may be seductive and impressive or controlling and intimidating.

Male psychopaths are good at identifying “nurturant” women who will want to help them and overlook their flaws. Psychopaths are also adept at pinpointing psychological vulnerabilities such as loneliness or lack of self-esteem. They often seek victims in singles’ bars or read newspaper obituaries to identify the recently bereaved. Hare reveals that one of his research subjects posed as a grief counselor and convinced an elderly widow to give him power of attorney. Imprisoned psychopaths often work on victims through lonely-hearts columns. One of Hare’s former students received a response to her advert from a psychopathic inmate who took part in their research. She admitted that his romantic language and declaration of mutual interests would have been convincing had she not been aware of his violent record.

The victims of psychopaths are often in denial, refusing to believe they are being manipulated. Women seeking “traditional feminine roles” are particularly desirable targets for psychopaths (152). Striving to be a “good wife,” they are likely to tolerate much in the attempt to make a marriage work and blame themselves for any problems.